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Probably all of these forces were in effect to one degree or another.Beard himself is quoted by Richard Hofstadter as saying in 1934 that "[r]are indeed is the savant who does not appear to be at war with himself in his own breast" and in 1940 that "Olympian certitude has exploded" (Hofstadter, 285).
Professors in the constitutional law academy are the most intent on seeing that Beard stay buried.
They seem to fear that if Beard came back to life the Constitution would become a bastard anti-democratic document, lose its political legitimacy, and their enterprise of liberal versus conservative debate over the real meanings of the document would go into bankruptcy.
He further asserted that the Constitution was an economic document designed by those with money and property to protect those with money and property.
This class-struggle view was applied by Beard to all of American history.
Had he been cauterized by the barbarism of twentieth-century global war?
Or had he merely begun to be more tolerant, as so often happens as people reach the ends of their lives?
He instead sided with Hamilton and his elite capitalistic allies in the Federalist tradition.
In effect Beard belonged to the neo-Hamiltonian camp in the Progressive movement which Merrill Peterson identified as congregating around and championing the “bold use of the powers of the national government for constructive purposes.” In the wake of his disillusionment with American involvement in World War I, Beard’s viewpoint shifted toward an embrace of Jefferson’s general democratic image.
Moreover, the breakup of large Tory estates was discussed (Beard 1944, 119).
But it is the chapter on the Constitution that stands out.